By Takis Michas
Because the simply member of NATO and the ecu Union to aid Slobodan Milošević's regime within the clash following the breakup of Yugoslavia, Greece broke ranks with its Western allies, troublesome their efforts to impose sanctions opposed to Serbia. wonderful Greek journalist Takis Michas lined the conflict within the Balkans through the Nineteen Nineties and observed at the beginning hand the consequences of Greek help for Serbia. during this gripping account, he follows Greek-Serbian relatives and tackles the tricky query of ways the Greek humans may perhaps forget about Serbian aggression and warfare crimes.
The pro-Serbian stance taken by way of Athens stunned many that assumed that every one participants of NATO might stick to the lead of the us and the United international locations. in its place, Greece supported Serbia from the outbreak of struggle within the former Yugoslavia in 1991 throughout the NATO bombing and career of Kosovo 8 years later. Mikas combines journalistic money owed with anecdotes and private interviews to teach a development of Greek aid for Milošević and Radovan Karadžić that implicates Greek politicians from all events, in addition to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Greek media, and eventually the Greek humans themselves.
To clarify this vast forget of human rights violations in Bosnia and Kosovo, Michas seems past the typical invocation of shared Orthodox faith. extra very important, he believes, is the shared ideology of ethnic nationalism, which precludes multiculturalism and a workable civil society. Greece may well forget about gross human rights violations in Bosnia or Kosovo, Michas argues, simply because they can be written off as unlucky byproducts of the better target of ethnic purity. He demonstrates in addition the significance of the increase of Orthodox fundamentalism and where of conspiracy theories within the discourse of Greek nationalism. ultimately, he offers an research of latest anti-American sentiments in Greece and in other places, which he argues exhibit new political and ideological realities.
The facts and conclusions offered during this imminently readable booklet will disturb those that think new liberal order changed the ideological standoff of the chilly conflict, yet they won't shock those that suspect that older allegiances have now claimed the loyalties of the various world's peoples.
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Extra resources for Unholy Alliance: Greece and Milošević's Serbia
Mousionis, who was present at the meeting between the Greek Orthodox prelate and the Bosnian Serb warlord, told me some years later that Archbishop Serapheim “was ecstatic at having met Karadz=ic; . ’”29 Aris Mousionis was also present in the meeting between Karadz=ic; and PASOK leader Andreas Papandreou, who a few months later again became the Greek prime minister. “Papandreou was a great admirer of Karadz=ic; ,” he later told me. “However, he was not very knowledgeable about what was going on in the war in Bosnia nor did he have any historical knowledge of Yugoslavia and the crisis.
There he would sit, sipping ouzo while regaling the company of intellectuals, journalists, and politicians who had gathered to see him with stories about the unjust war the “foreigners” had imposed upon his country. “Passersby taking their stroll this warm summer night,” read a typical newspaper report of Karadz=ic; ’s outings, “would stop to shake hands with the Serb leader. The fact that they could not speak his language did not seem to matter. ”36 Karadz=ic; came and went. And so did Milos=evic; , who visited Greece in January and April, , and March, .
The information concerned the air strikes that NATO had initiated against the Bosnian Serbs. Only Andreas Papandreou knew the content of those messages—neither his minister of defense nor the chief of staﬀ of the Greek armed forces [knew]. The sealed envelope containing the details of the planned NATO air strikes was directly delivered from the NATO’s headquarters in Naples to Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou. He then gave the envelope with the plans to a person of his absolute conﬁdence—whom only he and I knew—who took it to the military headquarters in Athens from where its contents were relayed to me.