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By Theodore Jun Yoo

This research examines how the concept that of "Korean lady" underwent a thorough transformation in Korea's public discourse through the years of eastern colonialism. Theodore Jun Yoo indicates that as ladies moved out of conventional spheres to occupy new positions open air the house, they encountered the pervasive keep watch over of the colonial nation, which sought to impose modernity on them. whereas a few Korean girls conformed to the dictates of colonial hegemony, others took planned pains to tell apart among what used to be "modern" (e.g., Western clothes) and therefore valid, and what used to be "Japanese," and therefore illegitimate. Yoo argues that what made the event of those ladies exact was once the twin disagreement with modernity itself and with Japan as a colonial power.

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Extra info for The Politics of Gender in Colonial Korea: Education, Labor, and Health, 1910-1945

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Even Buddhism, which in earlier periods had allowed women access to rituals, did not allow them to serve as high priests in the same capacity as the mudang. 46 Korean women retained residual forms of power during the ChosQn Women in ChosQn Korea / 33 period, even as state and society sought to negate their influence. , mother-son or spiritual leader-follower) to exert their authority in both conventional and subversive ways. Confucian ideals did not prevent them from reinforcing their prerogatives; these strong women represented the contradictions between the “powerlessness” of their subordinate status in neo-Confucian society and the real power they wielded in everyday life.

In the village schools, the primary goal was to prepare young literati men for the civil service examinations (kwagQ ). Among the yangban class, education meant learning in the Confucian sense of the word—the gradual development of character—rather than a systematic acquisition of scientific knowledge. For the vast majority of Korean women during the ChosQn dynasty, kyoyuk (education) meant informal training in the basics of domesticity. As Reverend George Gilmore (1868–1923) observed, “They [had] no part in the educational system.

Allen received permission to open the KwanghyewQn, the first royal hospital, in February 1885. ”85 Shortly thereafter, Mary F. Scranton and Henry Appenzeller and his wife came to Korea to work at the hospital. Miss Louisa Rothweiler and Miss Annie J. Ellers joined the staª in 1887, opening the first department of gynecology at the hospital. 86 One missionary described the success of the Presbyterian missionar- 46 / Women in ChosQn Korea ies: “The seventeen months that have elapsed have proven the greatest need of this hospital in its present form.

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