By Victor Lieberman
In an bold attempt to beat the intense fragmentation of early Southeast Asian historiography, this learn connects Southeast Asia to international heritage. Victor Lieberman argues that over one thousand years, each one of mainland Southeast Asia's nice lowland corridors skilled a trend of increasing integration punctuated through recurrent cave in. those trajectories have been synchronized not just among corridors, yet such a lot interestingly, among the mainland as a complete, a lot of Europe, and different sectors of Eurasia. Lieberman describes intimately the character of mainland consolidation and dissects the combination of endogenous and exterior components accountable.
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Extra resources for Strange Parallels: Volume 1, Integration on the Mainland: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800-1830 (Studies in Comparative World History)
30 A significant portion of the population came to depend on international trade for their livelihood and for much of their clothing, while in contrast to later periods, between c. 1450 and 1630 Southeast traders and shippers became major players on international routes. The political impact of maritime expansion was particularly impressive, as increasing royal revenues joined with foreign-style firearms and naval craft to promote political systems throughout the region that were more absolutist, centralized, and bureaucratic.
With the post-1400 progress of textual religions – Theravada Buddhism, Neo-Confucianism, Islam, and Christianity – cultural commonalities, limited to begin with, became ever less encompassing. But above all, the listing of traits emblematic of some enduring regional essence was static and thus unsympathetic to the historian’s overriding responsibility to describe changes in structure and perception. Finally, because cultural inquiry tended to remain divorced from political history, the post-1965 explosion of precolonial research did not seriously challenge the elitist focus enshrined before World War II.
In Europe “early modern” is conventionally used to identify the period c. 1400–c. 1750. Can this same term – with its hint of inexorable progress to full modernity – be shifted from Western Europe to describe areas that proved incapable of generating by themselves some of the core features of true modernity, including industrialization? Conversely, can Asian parallels reshape hitherto encapsulated explanations of European dynamics? Finally, in using analytic models derived from one region, be it Europe or Asia, to examine another, can we avoid contaminating our inquiries at the source?