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By Fred Halliday, Hamza Alavi

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Far from vaunting the heroes and strugglers of earlier generations, as other revolutionary and nationalist movements have tended to do, Khomeini appeared to regard almost all the earlier leaders of Iranian oppositions, secular and religious, as obstacles to his legitimacy which derived from the Islamic leaders of the seventh century, the Prophet Muhammad, and the founders of Shi'ite Islam. 4 This religious legitimacy accounts for the fifth ideological feature of the Iranian revolution, namely the fact that 34 The Iranian Revolution while a mass uprising, it cannot be considered a democratic revolution even in theory.

Another important factor was the conduct of the Shah himself; he failed to give strong leadership in the final months. When he left the country in January 1979 the army leadership was divided. The crisis of the final days was settled because, in the face of Khomeini's movement, the top army leadership signed a secret agreement with the opposition. 16 Yet beyond all these factors lies the fact that the army was, from the beginning, isolated in Iranian society: it was the instrument of the Shah. It had never fought a successful war and lacked any martial legitimacy.

Among the highly educated there are movements for greater Islamic orthodoxy and all-Islamic identity, but as yet no major radical Islamist movements. In addition, Senegal has seen less rapid socio-economic change than Islamist-profile countries. A small Islamist current has, however, developed in recent years. Another non-Islamist area visited was West Sumatra, in Indonesia. Although there have been Islamist trends in Indonesia, I found almost none in West Sumatra, except one from a student of the Technical University of Bandung, Java, which is the centre of student Islamism.

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